Difference between revisions of "Geluykens1988"
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|Author(s)=Ronald Geluykens | |Author(s)=Ronald Geluykens | ||
|Title=On the myth of rising intonation in polar questions | |Title=On the myth of rising intonation in polar questions | ||
| − | |Tag(s)=IL; Prosody; Polar Questions; | + | |Tag(s)=IL; Prosody; Polar Questions; |
|Key=Geluykens1988 | |Key=Geluykens1988 | ||
|Year=1988 | |Year=1988 | ||
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|Volume=12 | |Volume=12 | ||
|Number=4 | |Number=4 | ||
| − | |Pages= | + | |Pages=467–485 |
| − | |Abstract=Using | + | |URL=https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/0378216688900069 |
| − | frequent, | + | |DOI=10.1016/0378-2166(88)90006-9 |
| − | Rhetorical Questions and | + | |Abstract=Using an extensive corpus conversational data, it is shown that the role ofRising intonation (i.e. Rises, Fall-Rises, and Fall+Rises) in polar questions is overrated. Two types of polar - or ‘yes/no’ - questions are investigated: Inversion-questions (e.g. Is this a question?), and Queclaratives (e.g. This is a question?). In Inversion-questions, though Rising intonation is relatively frequent, the most frequent tone, in absolute terms, is a Fall; moreover, intonation is not used to distinguish genuine Inversion-questions from interrogatives without Question-status, such as Rhetorical Questions and Requests. In Queclaratives, a Falling intonation contour is by far the most frequent pattern, mostly accompanied by a step-up in pitch in the Head of the Tone Unit. Attention is also paid to the Pitch Range of polar questions, and to Pausal aspects of Question - Answer pairs. In all, the claim that Rising intonation (and, more particularly, final Rises) is the ‘normal’ pattern for polar questions lacks empirical justification. |
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}} | }} | ||
Latest revision as of 10:06, 21 October 2019
| Geluykens1988 | |
|---|---|
| BibType | ARTICLE |
| Key | Geluykens1988 |
| Author(s) | Ronald Geluykens |
| Title | On the myth of rising intonation in polar questions |
| Editor(s) | |
| Tag(s) | IL, Prosody, Polar Questions |
| Publisher | |
| Year | 1988 |
| Language | |
| City | |
| Month | |
| Journal | Journal of Pragmatics |
| Volume | 12 |
| Number | 4 |
| Pages | 467–485 |
| URL | Link |
| DOI | 10.1016/0378-2166(88)90006-9 |
| ISBN | |
| Organization | |
| Institution | |
| School | |
| Type | |
| Edition | |
| Series | |
| Howpublished | |
| Book title | |
| Chapter | |
Abstract
Using an extensive corpus conversational data, it is shown that the role ofRising intonation (i.e. Rises, Fall-Rises, and Fall+Rises) in polar questions is overrated. Two types of polar - or ‘yes/no’ - questions are investigated: Inversion-questions (e.g. Is this a question?), and Queclaratives (e.g. This is a question?). In Inversion-questions, though Rising intonation is relatively frequent, the most frequent tone, in absolute terms, is a Fall; moreover, intonation is not used to distinguish genuine Inversion-questions from interrogatives without Question-status, such as Rhetorical Questions and Requests. In Queclaratives, a Falling intonation contour is by far the most frequent pattern, mostly accompanied by a step-up in pitch in the Head of the Tone Unit. Attention is also paid to the Pitch Range of polar questions, and to Pausal aspects of Question - Answer pairs. In all, the claim that Rising intonation (and, more particularly, final Rises) is the ‘normal’ pattern for polar questions lacks empirical justification.
Notes
