Difference between revisions of "Maschler2018a"
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|BibType=ARTICLE | |BibType=ARTICLE | ||
|Author(s)=Yael Maschler | |Author(s)=Yael Maschler | ||
| − | |Title=The on-line emergence of Hebrew insubordinate she- (‘that/which/who’) clauses | + | |Title=The on-line emergence of Hebrew insubordinate she- (‘that/which/who’) clauses: a usage-based perspective on so-called ‘subordination’ |
| − | |||
|Tag(s)=EMCA; Interactional linguistics; Insubordination; Grammar; Online syntax; Emergent grammar; Projection; Hebrew | |Tag(s)=EMCA; Interactional linguistics; Insubordination; Grammar; Online syntax; Emergent grammar; Projection; Hebrew | ||
|Key=Maschler2018a | |Key=Maschler2018a | ||
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|Volume=42 | |Volume=42 | ||
|Number=3 | |Number=3 | ||
| − | |Pages= | + | |Pages=669–707 |
|URL=https://www.jbe-platform.com/content/journals/10.1075/sl.17065.mas | |URL=https://www.jbe-platform.com/content/journals/10.1075/sl.17065.mas | ||
| − | |DOI= | + | |DOI=10.1075/sl.17065.mas |
|Abstract=This study examines the on-line emergence of insubordinate clauses in Hebrew conversation as constrained by local interactional contingencies, questioning traditional notions of grammatical ‘subordination’ and contributing to conceptions of grammar as a locally sensitive, temporally unfolding resource for social interaction. The clauses examined are syntactically unintegrated (unembedded in any matrix clause), or loosely-integrated (cannot be viewed unambiguously as constituting a relative, complement, or adverbial clause), yet they all begin with she- – the general ‘subordinating conjunction’ in traditional Modern Hebrew grammar. All 102 insubordinate she- clauses found throughout a 5.5 hour audio-recorded corpus were classified according to their discourse function: modal, elaborative, or evaluative/epistemic. Leaving aside the modal type, the remaining insubordinate she- clauses (N = 70, 69%) are shown to emerge on-line while speakers are busy performing a variety of tasks and responding to local interactional contingencies. In all of these cases she- functions as a generic ‘wildcard’ tying back to immediately prior discourse and projecting an elaboration/evaluation of it, in either same- or other-speaker talk. The findings concerning insubordinate clauses suggest a usage-based perspective also on canonical subordinate clauses, positioning canonical and syntactically unintegrated clauses at two ends of a continuum. | |Abstract=This study examines the on-line emergence of insubordinate clauses in Hebrew conversation as constrained by local interactional contingencies, questioning traditional notions of grammatical ‘subordination’ and contributing to conceptions of grammar as a locally sensitive, temporally unfolding resource for social interaction. The clauses examined are syntactically unintegrated (unembedded in any matrix clause), or loosely-integrated (cannot be viewed unambiguously as constituting a relative, complement, or adverbial clause), yet they all begin with she- – the general ‘subordinating conjunction’ in traditional Modern Hebrew grammar. All 102 insubordinate she- clauses found throughout a 5.5 hour audio-recorded corpus were classified according to their discourse function: modal, elaborative, or evaluative/epistemic. Leaving aside the modal type, the remaining insubordinate she- clauses (N = 70, 69%) are shown to emerge on-line while speakers are busy performing a variety of tasks and responding to local interactional contingencies. In all of these cases she- functions as a generic ‘wildcard’ tying back to immediately prior discourse and projecting an elaboration/evaluation of it, in either same- or other-speaker talk. The findings concerning insubordinate clauses suggest a usage-based perspective also on canonical subordinate clauses, positioning canonical and syntactically unintegrated clauses at two ends of a continuum. | ||
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Latest revision as of 04:00, 13 January 2020
| Maschler2018a | |
|---|---|
| BibType | ARTICLE |
| Key | Maschler2018a |
| Author(s) | Yael Maschler |
| Title | The on-line emergence of Hebrew insubordinate she- (‘that/which/who’) clauses: a usage-based perspective on so-called ‘subordination’ |
| Editor(s) | |
| Tag(s) | EMCA, Interactional linguistics, Insubordination, Grammar, Online syntax, Emergent grammar, Projection, Hebrew |
| Publisher | |
| Year | 2018 |
| Language | English |
| City | |
| Month | |
| Journal | Studies in Language |
| Volume | 42 |
| Number | 3 |
| Pages | 669–707 |
| URL | Link |
| DOI | 10.1075/sl.17065.mas |
| ISBN | |
| Organization | |
| Institution | |
| School | |
| Type | |
| Edition | |
| Series | |
| Howpublished | |
| Book title | |
| Chapter | |
Abstract
This study examines the on-line emergence of insubordinate clauses in Hebrew conversation as constrained by local interactional contingencies, questioning traditional notions of grammatical ‘subordination’ and contributing to conceptions of grammar as a locally sensitive, temporally unfolding resource for social interaction. The clauses examined are syntactically unintegrated (unembedded in any matrix clause), or loosely-integrated (cannot be viewed unambiguously as constituting a relative, complement, or adverbial clause), yet they all begin with she- – the general ‘subordinating conjunction’ in traditional Modern Hebrew grammar. All 102 insubordinate she- clauses found throughout a 5.5 hour audio-recorded corpus were classified according to their discourse function: modal, elaborative, or evaluative/epistemic. Leaving aside the modal type, the remaining insubordinate she- clauses (N = 70, 69%) are shown to emerge on-line while speakers are busy performing a variety of tasks and responding to local interactional contingencies. In all of these cases she- functions as a generic ‘wildcard’ tying back to immediately prior discourse and projecting an elaboration/evaluation of it, in either same- or other-speaker talk. The findings concerning insubordinate clauses suggest a usage-based perspective also on canonical subordinate clauses, positioning canonical and syntactically unintegrated clauses at two ends of a continuum.
Notes
